Tuesday, January 28, 2020

General Laws On Prostitution In England And Wales Criminology Essay

General Laws On Prostitution In England And Wales Criminology Essay By failing to address domestic prostitution in the Sexual Offences Act 2003, a much needed opportunity for wholesale reform of the criminal law in this area was lost. At best, subsequent policy reviews and legislation have tinkered at the margins; at worst, they have added to the grounds upon which the current response should be criticized. Discuss. INTRODUCTION In 1998, it was publicised by the Government that there was to be a wholesale assessment of sexual offences and penalties  [1]  . An independent review was duly set up and its recommendations were published in Setting the Boundaries in 2000. While proposals for reform around the areas of, amongst others, rape and sexual assault, were extensively debated and laid out, the review excluded prostitution altogether since it was considered to be beyond their remit. But the review committee did recommend that a further separate review of prostitution be carried out, and the Government responded to this proposal in 2002 by publishing its new policy on sexual offences in Protecting the Public, where it proposed the introduction of a few new offences relating to commercial sexual exploitation. Just a year later, a Bill to give effect to the proposals was passed and received royal assent, which led to the passing of the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (SOA 2003). This research paper will analyse the positive but limited changes made to the laws on prostitution by the SOA 2003. Then subsequent policy reviews and legislation regarding prostitution that took place from year 2004 onwards will be reviewed, detailing both the positive responses and criticisms made towards them. THE GENERAL LAWS ON PROSTITUTION IN ENGLAND AND WALES PRE-2003 Before detailing the limited changes made to the law around prostitution by the SOA 2003, it is worth noting down some of the general laws as they were before the Act was passed. Prostitution itself was (and still is) not illegal but a lot of the associated activities surrounding it are. The Street Offences Act 1959 set out offences that include loitering and soliciting in a public place for the purposes of prostitution  [2]  . Sexual Offences Act 1985 made it an offence to solicit another person or persons for prostitution from a vehicle in a public place and also created an offence of persistent soliciting in a public place. These offences were very sex-specific. The accused must be male and the solicited must be female. Kerb-crawling is an offence under section 1 of the same Act. Provisions relating to brothel-keeping and associated offences were contained in sections 33 to 36 of Sexual Offences Act 1956. CHANGES BROUGHT ABOUT BY THE SOA 2003 The Act does not establish a wide-ranging set of new prostitution-related offences  [3]  . However, there were a few notable changes to the law: Section 47 makes it illegal to pay for otherwise legal sex with someone who is 16 or 17. Sections 48 to 50 impose heavy punishments for causing or inciting or controlling or arranging or facilitating child prostitution. Section 53 makes it illegal to control another adults prostitution where you gain from it. Section 55 increases the penalties for owning or running a brothel for the purposes of prostitution. Section 56 broadens gender-specific prostitution offences, making them gender-neutral. Causing or inciting prostitution for gain replaces living off the immoral earnings of a prostitute which could be originally only charged against men. Controlling prostitution for gain replaces controlling and directing the actions of a prostitute which could be originally only charged against women. Similarly, the offences of soliciting, loitering and kerb-crawling can now be committed by both men and women. WHAT HAS THE SEXUAL OFFENCES ACT FAILED TO ADDRESS? Beyond those listed above, it fails to make any significant changes to the law on prostitution. The Act predominantly deals with the exploitation of people through prostitution. But the Act does not, for example, decriminalise loitering or soliciting by children who are involved in prostitution. It does not alter the definition of prostitution  [4]  as meaning a person of over the age of 18. Unfortunately, this means that a child could be labeled as a prostitute regardless of any compulsion or coercion  [5]  . The absence of a thorough review during the process leading to the enactment of the SOA 2003 means that there are holes in this area of the law such as described above. SUBSEQUENT POLICY REVIEWS AND LEGISLATION Green Paper Paying the Price (2004): a consultation document The inadequate and outdated laws on prostitution that stood at that time and the absence of a wholesale review in the stages that led to the passing of the SOA 2003 prompted the New Labour government to publish a consultation paper in 2004 entitled Paying the Price which lays out information and points of views on how best to regulate prostitution in the United Kingdom (UK) and what the Home Office thought to be important issues for debate. For the first time in over fifty years, the government was offering its first review of all prostitution-related legislation  [6]  . The consultation document was described as intending to be the starting point for the development of a realistic and coherent strategy to deal with prostitution  [7]  . It received over 800 responses and the result was published in 2006, which will be considered later on. It is worth noting on the outset that although the Home Secretary at that time, David Blunkett, visualised tolerance zones in certain areas as a way to tackle street prostitution, it was far from what the government actually ended up advocating. In particular, the government called for stricter laws on kerb-crawling to put a clamp down on street prostitution. Positive responses: The document is praised for stressing on the protection of children involved in prostitution, its emphasis on the abuse of fundamental human rights in trafficking and the protection it gives to the welfare needs of those exiting prostitution, while considering the various ways in which other parts of the world deals with prostitution. Criticisms: However, the consultation paper is not uncontroversial and disappoints many. One commentator describes its implementation as involving a loud bark but small bite  [8]  . One of the biggest problems with the document was that, despite the fact that it claimed to be ready for wholesale reform on the regulation of prostitution, considering differing models of regulations adopted by other countries including legalisation, decriminalisation and abolition, its preference to abolition was clear from the very beginning. The document is sympathetic to the idea that womens involvement in prostitution can be reduced by attacking the demand side of the industry by enforcing stricter penalties for kerb-crawling that are intended to target clients. However, it is also important to note that commentators see a problem in taking up a model from another country and transplanting it into the UK as this could potentially lead to the brushing aside of differentials in the cultural settings of the comparative countries  [9]  . This lack of attention to the diversity of sex industries is added by the failure to recognise that providing sexual services are considered to be voluntary work for some women or men. The review regarded prostitution, as a whole, as almost equivalent to violence and harmful to everyone without considering the possibility of a different picture of the industry. Phoenix and Oerton argue that Paying the Price simply ignores the last five centuries of tolerant attitudes in England and Wales towards the actual exchange of sex for money, relocating the problem to prostitution itself rather than its negative effects, which used to be the focus of prostitution laws  [10]  . Related to this is that the approach taken by the consultation means that there is a failure to put equal emphasis on providing routes out for women involved in prostitution and protecting those who wish to stay on selling sex as a voluntary choice as they are unable to find other sufficient means of generating income  [11]  . The fact that the consultation does not take full account of all contexts of prostitution suggests that the proposals are not designed to help all of those engaged in sex work. The consultation document has also been criticised for lacking any acknowledgment of the historical legacy and legal framework in which prostitution in the UK exists. Brooks-Gordon identifies a number of key historical prostitution-related backdrops that the consultation has failed to mention  [12]  . First of all, it has failed to mention that the Wolfendon report importantly differentiated between public nuisance and morality and that the latter should not be something that the law be concerned with. Secondly, the document has failed to include seven reports on sex work by four government committees between 1928 and 1986: the Street offences Committee in 1928, Wolfenden in 1957, the Vagrancy and Street Offences Committee between 1974 and 1976, and the Criminal Law Revision Committee between 1982 and 1986. Thirdly, there was no mention of an independent report which was produced by the Parliamentary Group on Prostitution which was led by Diane Abbott in 1996. But the most important elimination would be the European Convention on Human Right (ECHR), which became part of English law with the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998 in 2000. The relevant inclusion would have been Article 8 which protects the right to respect for private life, which has been shown by case law such as the case of Niemetz v Germany (1993)  [13]  to include a persons sex life, and criminalising paying for sex could fall foul of this right. Related to this is the fact that the document has failed to consider one of the most relevant models of regulation of prostitution for the UK, and that is one of Germany  [14]  . It has been excluded from the document as a feasible model even though it is the most relevant model, designed after the ECHR was incorporated into its law. In Germany, prostitution is regarded as an economic activity within the meaning of the EC Treaty and this influences the meaning of Article 15 of the EU Charter on Fundamental Rights which accords individuals with the protection of their profession and the right to work. This could mean that voluntary prostitution also comes under the Article and that women selling sex voluntarily could not be made to exit prostitution. Equally, the document has left out Thailand in its report, where the criminalisation of prostitution bred corruption and organised crime. Although the Dutch model, where there exist toleration zones, is one of the models that the document does consider, it simply dismisses the model as a failure because some workers work outside the toleration zones. It seems that the babyhave been thrown out with the babywater  [15]  and this is unacceptable because it is argued that grey markets exist in any economic market. An acceptable reason of dismissing such a model would instead be, for example, if murder rates are higher with the existence of tolerance zones than without it. On the other hand, the document uncritically accepts the Swedish model, where it is a crime to purchase or attempt to purchase sex. But the major problems that have been caused after the Swedish model has been implemented have been omitted from the analysis. For instance, it has failed to mention that official reports have shown that street solicitation has not declined, and that the media has reported that women with drug addiction have turned to sui cide because of the new law. In effect, the presentation of policy options in the document proves to be both lacking in balance and flawed. Another important issue that has been raised about the document is that concerning the evidence and research used, that they were very selective and biased. For example, sex workers tend to be marginalised and viewed as the other. This status, ONeill argues, leads to a lack of recognition and sex workers being treated like a pariah  [16]  . She argues that there needs to be a politics of inclusion so that the voices of sex workers can be heard within safe spaces through inclusive research methodologies such as Participatory Action Research (PAR). The English Collective of Prostitutes has also pointed out that statistics regarding sex workers are used selectively. Research that found 74 per cent of off-street sex workers sold sex because they need to pay for domestic expenditure and support their children was mentioned in passing and then ignored, while claims that 80 to 95 per cent of sex workers are drug users provide the backdrop of many recommendations  [17]  . The policy reform process had also hushed the views and experiences of male sex workers almost entirely, concentrating only on the role of men in prostitution as mainly the abusers of women and children involved in sex work  [18]  . Although the SOA 2003 made prostitution laws gender-neutral, it is argued that it is not entirely accurate to be assuming that the same conditions exist for men selling sex to men, men selling sex to women, women selling sex to men, and women selling sex to couples  [19]  , the consequence of which neglects the needs of male sex workers. Not only does the document not pay enough attention to the voices and experiences of both female and male sex workers, it also fails to conduct a systematic review of the literature on clients. Research literature on clients are only mentioned six times, five of which were research published during the last century. Obviously, much has been written since the last century and these have been omitted. For instance, recent research on clients shows useful demographic profiles that have important implications on the supply and demand for sexual services. Paying the Price describes the demographic profile of clients as around 30 years of age, married, in full time employment, ignoring research by the Home Office in Tackling Street Prostitution that found that less than half of the men researched were married. Additionally, Tackling Street Prostitution showed that the mean age was 35 years instead of 30. Obviously the omission of recent studies such as Tackling Street Prostitution has led to Paying the Price quoting inaccurate information. Another obvious area that the document has paid little attention to is indoor sex work. Only in the final chapter do indoor markets appear, where the key focus is those experiencing serious exploitation. Also, the consultation document neglected to mention models of policing indoor sex work that are generally considered as successful (Las Vegas, Nevada, Germany), at the same time describing only the limitations of the Australian and Austrian models  [20]  . In essence, the consultation paper did not commence a full review of the law on prostitution. What it did was concentrate on a number of issues. It sought to prevent young people being forced into prostitution, provide exit strategies for those adults involved in sex work and ensure justice against abusers and exploiters for those affected by the industry  [21]  . White Paper A Coordinated Prostitution Strategy and a summary or responses to Paying the Price (2006); The Strategy The result of the consultation was produced in the form of The Strategy, a series of guidelines that have to be followed by the police, local authorities and other agencies that are involved in tackling prostitution. The Strategy prioritises five key aims: prevention, developing routes out for sex workers, tackling off-street prostitution, ensuring justice and tackling demand. But the paramount emphasis is to disrupt the sex markets (Home Office 2006: 1) and this is done by taking a non-tolerant approach to the sex industry, opting for the criminalisation of sex workers and a strict re-enforcement of kerb-crawling laws. In fact, before The Strategy was even published, on 28 December 2005, the Home Office announced through the media that a policy of zero tolerance would be pursued against clients. MP Fiona Mactaggart said: Prostitution blights communities. We will take a zero tolerance approach to kerb crawling. Men who choose to use prostitutes are indirectly supporting drug dealers and abusers. The power to confiscate driving licenses already exists. We want the police to use that power more  [22]  . In relation to kerb-crawling, The Strategy designs a three-staged approach in enforcing the laws. The first stage would be an informal written warning to owners of car registration numbers seen in red light districts. The second stage would involve a re-education program funded by the person arrested, an awareness program that highlights the criminal sanctions and impact of street prostitution, but this is only available to those arrested for the first time. For non-first offenders and for those who refuse re-education programs, the third stage kicks in, which is prosecution. Medical treatment is enforced on street sex workers to give into effect the proposals under the 2007 Criminal Justice and Immigration Bill. And if they do not accept referral to services offering routes out of sex work, they will be cautioned with pre-charge diversion which will subject the sew workers to rules such as compulsory attendance on Drug Intervention Programmes. Another important change to the law is the re-definition of brothel in a bid to regulate off-street prostitution. It is now legal for two or three individuals and a maid to share premises for safety. Positive responses: The Strategy boasts potential for positive changes, especially from what is outlined on pages 3 and 4 under action for government and action for local partnerships  [23]  . For instance: There is a focus on strengthening approaches to child exploitation by ensuring a holistic approach that includes work with schools Inclusion of communities through consultation processes like community conferencing Expanding court diversion and reforming the soliciting law Expanding the Ugly Mugs scheme through Crime Stoppers Recruiting police liaison officers Development of an action planning on trafficking Criticisms: The same sort of criticisms thrown at the consultation document preceding the published responses in The Strategy remain. There is the same lack of detail that leaves many questions unanswered. For instance, the experiences of male sex workers are still excluded. The only mention of that particular group is only in an account by respondents in the beginning criticising that Paying the Price provides scant information on male prostitution (Home Office, 2006:9)  [24]  . But a particular issue that is met by a lot of disapproval is the proposal that two to three women (or men) are allowed to work together in the interest of safety. It is argued that the government has overlooked the discrepancy in off-street working, and that problems might arise in regulating such a wide range of premises. Another step forward that The Strategy has taken which looks more than sensible from the outset but is actually inadequate on a closer inspection is the focus on protection against sexual exploitation and abuse of children and young people. The underlying problem with this is that it reinforces the idea that the young person is only seen as a victim. There is a possibility that some will not choose to stick to a victim label and seek to take control of their lives by, for example, calling the people who groom them their friends and selling sex for food and a roof on top of their head  [25]  . To prevent this and to make sure that young people are not trapped in a vicious cycle of violent relationships with their abusers or those who groom them, it is essential for the government, local authorities and social welfare agencies to work together to supplement the already existing child protection interventions with employment and housing schemes. Just as how exit strategies are put i n place for adults involved in sex work, it is equally as important to design exit strategies that cater more specifically to youths. The first of the three-staged approach that The Strategy takes in dealing with kerb-crawlers has also been attacked as being flawed. There is an assumption that the driver of the car caught on CCTV is looking to pay for sex and the possibility that the car may not even belong to the driver is ignored  [26]  . It may also be possible that the driver is only a friend who is giving a sex worker a lift. Additionally, it has been argued that sending letters to men at home when they may be innocent could disrupt family life. Essentially, no new laws have been introduced by The Strategy. Instead, the existing laws against kerb-crawling have been emphasised as the key setting for the enforcement strategy in order to change the attitude that prostitution is the oldest profession that cannot be eradicated  [27]  . This leads commentators such as Melrose to argue that the new strategy is not very new at all and that the government has missed an important opportunity to radically rethink its approach to prostitution  [28]  . So far, the law on prostitution is piecemeal and contradictory and sex workers continue to be thought of as the other and the victim, which posed a barrier to a holistic strategy for prostitution reform. Indeed, this problem is reinforced by the laissez-fare stance the law has taken to the term common prostitute, which has been repeatedly called to be abolished and which the Criminal Law Revision Committee thought was unreasonably discriminatory to sex workers. There obviously was a need for a wholesale review of the law but The Green Paper Paying the Price and the subsequent Government Strategy proved to be a disappointment to many, especially because of the many omissions and factual errors made in the presentation of legal evidence and research. Ipswich 2006 serial murders Meanwhile, the murders of five prostitutes in Ipswich in November and December 2006 reignited calls for a new approach to tackling the issue. Claims that the laws as they stood were inadequate and that there needed to be a re-examination came from both those who called for decriminalisation and those who wanted tighter controls  [29]  . The former advocated that the New Zealand model should be followed, where seven years ago the laws against prostitution were repealed, as it was argued that decriminalising prostitution is a diversion from prosecuting violent men. The latter supported instead the model used in Sweden, where in 1999 it became a criminal offence to pay for sex but not to offer sex for sale. In early 2008, spurred on by the high-profile Ipswich case, the government headed by Home Secretary Jacqui Smith declared that it would conduct a new six-month review on ways to tackle the demand for prostitution and went to Sweden to look at its policies. The findings of the review were published in November 2008 in Tackling the Demand for Prostitution and at this point, the government has taken a tough stance on street-based prostitution, declaring that they are not inevitable; they are not here to stay. Policing and Crime Bill (2008) Act (2010) The Policing and Crime Bill initially came about following recommendations in government reports that showed that there was a demand for an increase of police accountability to the public, but provisions including those that deal with alcohol, proceeds of crime, gang-related violence and prostitution were later included following the six-month review, turning itself into a comprehensive criminal law bill. It received royal assent on 12 November 2009 and the Act came into effect from 1st April 2010. Part II of the Act concerns sexual offences and sex establishments, and the laws were described by the government as meant for protecting vulnerable women and dampen the demand for prostitution. The key changes effective from the 1st of April 2010 include: Under section 8, men hunting for sex on the street can now be arrested on their first offence. There is no longer a requirement for the police to be satisfied that the men have been persistently kerb-crawling before they can be arrested. It will become an offence under section 14 to pay for sex with someone who has been forced, threatened or exploited or otherwise coerced or deceived into providing the sexual services by someone else who has engaged in such conduct for gain. It will be no defence for a person to say that they did not know the prostitute was being forced or threatened. Conviction of the offence could mean a fine of up to  £1,000, a court summons and a criminal record. Additionally, there is a risk that the name of the defendant will be mentioned in newspapers as part of the name and shame strategy that the government now takes. Section 16 amends the term common prostitute in section 1 of the Street Offences Act 1959 and inserts the word persistently and person into the offence of loitering or soliciting for the purposes of prostitution. The changes now also require that loitering or soliciting is persistent, although it is defined as only two times in a three month period. On the supply side, section 17 replaces fines with therapy. When sentencing a person for soliciting, a judge will be able to issue an order that the prostitute must meet with a supervisor three times within six months of the conviction. This is designed to help them to leave street prostitution. Under section 21 of the Act, the police have more powers to close brothels. Previously, they could only put a clamp down on premises associated with prostitution if anti-social behavior or when class A drugs were involved. It did not take long for these laws to be applied. On the first day that the laws came into force, two men were arrested for having allegedly paid for the sexual services of a prostitute who had been subjected to force and a woman was arrested on suspicion of managing a brothel  [30]  . Positive responses: For the first time ever, a man will not be able to claim ignorance as a defence if he is caught paying for sex. Typical excuses given to the police in the past have included: I thought this was a massage parlour and I thought she was over 18  [31]  . Any explanations and excuses will now be ignored. Researcher Ruth Brisling, from the charity Lilith Project said: the old law only found men who paid for sex with a girl aged 13 or under guilty of a crime. Above that, they could plead ignorance, were given a slap on the wrist and sent home. This new law changes that. Pleading ignorance will no longer be acceptable and paying for sex with a vulnerable woman working against her will now be completely illegal. Others found that targeting clients is the way forward to end prostitution because just relying on laws against trafficking and pimping is inadequate. Helen Atkins of the Poppy Project said: There is no point in just going for the pimps when there is a potentially limitless supply of traffickers and victims. We need to frighten off the clients. Prostitution has become part of a lads night out we need to scare the hell out of them. Criticisms: A major campaign group that opposes the changes made to prostitution laws under the Policing and Crime Act 2009 is the English Collective of Prostitutes, who argue that laws that target only at women suffering exploitation such as increased police powers to close down brothels would drive prostitution, even where no violence is involved and the sex workers are selling sex on their own choice, further underground. They argue that the new laws risk sex workers to greater dangers and deter them from coming forward to authorities for help  [32]  . The Christian Institute argues that the laws do nothing to ensure that the counseling will be inadequate. They assert that there is all the difference in the world between c

Sunday, January 19, 2020

The Significance of Islamic Calligraphy in the Muslim Culture Essay

Abstract Although it could be considered an insignificant part of society, Islamic calligraphy is crucial to its culture because of its role in religion and architecture, and its help in creating unity among Muslims. Calligraphy's function in religion is mainly due to the Muslim forbiddance of the "representation of living beings" (Schimmel, Islamic 11) in art. In architecture calligraphy is used to decorate the interior and exterior of buildings to help remind citizens of the purpose of the architecture: to glorify God. Lastly, calligraphy helps to unite Muslims because everyone must learn the Arabic language to participate in prayers and recitations. Introduction Islamic calligraphy is considered to have developed into an art during the time of Ali ibn Abi Talib, the fourth caliph and the son-in-law of Muhammad (Schimmel, Islamic 3). Not only a religious leader, Ali ibn Abi Talib was a great calligrapher and artist. The use and importance of Islamic calligraphy grew rapidly after his extensive development of the art. Muslims are cautioned against producing illustrations of living beings, therefore much of Islamic art is calligraphic. Although it is not seriously considered a real art form by many western societies, Islamic calligraphy is essential to its own culture because of its crucial role in religion, architecture, and creating unity among Muslims. Background Islamic calligraphy is unique in several distinct traditions. The letters of the alphabet can be written in different forms, making the writings difficult to read (Piotrosky 27). It is considered a noble art form, and has its own rhythm and harmony (Khan 7). It is written from right to left and lacks capitalization and punctuation marks (11). Each o... ...ans. Rosanna Giammanco Frongia. New York: Abbeville Press Publishers, 2001. Khatibi, Abdelkebir, and Mohammed Sijelmassi. The Splendor of Islamic Calligraphy. Paris: Thames and Hudson, 1994. Nasr, Seyyed Hossein. Islamic Art and Spirituality. New York: State University of New York Press, 1987. Parry, James. "Calligraphy as a Contemporary Art Form." Arts & the Islamic World 31 (1997): 54-55. ---. "First International Calligraphy Festival in Tehran." Arts & the Islamic World 31 (1997): 50-53. Piotrovsky, Mikhail B. Earthly Beauty, Heavenly Art: Art of Islam. Ed. John Vrieze. Amsterdam: De Nieuwe Kerk, 1999. Rosenthal, F. Four Essays on Art and Literature in Islam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971. Schimmel, Annemarie. Calligraphy and Islamic Culture. New York: New York University Press, 1984. ---. Islamic Calligraphy. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1970.

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Organizational Interventions Influencing Employee

Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Oxford, UK and Malden, USAIJTDInternational Journal of Training and Development1360-3736Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005March 2005 14761ArticlesOrganizational Interventions 9 International Journal of Training and Development 9:1 ISSN 1360-3736 Organizational interventions in? uencing employee career development preferred by different career success orientations Namhee Kim This study explores what Korean employees prefer as organizational interventions that in? ence their career development, according to their personal interpretation of career success. A quantitative sample survey was designed from a Korean wireless communications company using a survey instrument. The ? ndings of this study contributed to the validation of theoretical discussions on the association of individuals and organizational career development interventions, implying that organizations need to design their career mobility systems or performance incentive systems in accordance with emplo yees’ career orientations.Introduction Market changes often necessitate substantial transformation in organizations via reorganizing, restructuring or downsizing (Gutteridge et al. , 1993). The characteristics of employees have changed as well. One of the biggest issues facing organizations is the increasing diversity of the modern workforce. Determining how to manage and develop today’s workforce effectively from the perspective of career development has become a critical issue at the organizational level. Companies must ? d ways to match organizational goals and needs with those of individuals, but employees’ internal orientations are often left largely uninvestigated r Research Fellow, Korean Women’s Development Institute, 1-363 Bulkwang-dong, Eunpyong-gu, Seoul 122-707, Korea. Email: [email  protected] re. kr  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main St. , Malden, MA 02148, USA. Organizational Interve ntions 47 in the design and implementation of organizational interventions.This study explores Korean employees’ perspectives on organizational interventions that in? uence their career development, according to personal de? nitions of career success. Answers to this research question will help organizations design and implement more effective employee career development policies and activities. Theories of career orientation Traditional career theories de? ned success in terms of extrinsic or objective factors with visible metrics, such as salary, promotions or status (e. g. Gattiker & Larwood, 1989; Jaskolka et al. , 1985).Therefore, hierarchical advancement, larger income and increasing recognition and respect from others typically indicated success at work. On the other hand, some researchers have investigated careers from an internal, subjective perspective. Schein examined individuals’ subjective ideas about work life and their roles within it (van Maanen & Schei n, 1977). He identi? ed the concept of a ‘career anchor’, which is an occupational self-concept or self-knowledge that ‘serves to guide, constrain, stabilize and integrate the person’s career’ (Schein, 1978: 127). Schein (1978) identi? d ? ve types of career anchors: managerial competence, autonomy, security, technical/functional competence, and entrepreneurial creativity. Later, three more types were added: service/dedication to a cause, pure challenge, and life style. Delong (1982) proposed replacing the term ‘career anchor’ with ‘career orientation’, meaning the capacity to select certain features of an occupation for investment according to one’s motives, interests and competencies. He identi? ed three new types of career orientation (identity, service, and variety), in addition to Schein’s (1978) ? e original career anchors. Driver (1979, 1980, 1982) studied business executives and staff specialists in a v ariety of companies, identifying four ‘career concepts’ (transitory, steady-state, linear, and spiral) from self-perceptions based on habits of thought, motives and decision-making styles. These career concepts become the guiding foundation for a person’s long-term career choices (Driver, 1980). Derr (1986) used the term ‘career success orientation’ to refer to how people de? ne their success at work, and argued that an individual’s meaning of career success re? cts their personal values, attitudes and motivation with regard to work and life. Career success orientation can vary considerably given the diversity of the modern workforce and its work values. To describe patterns of career success orientation, Derr (1986) developed a minimum set of useful dimensions based on his research with the US Navy, MBA students and multinational executives. Derr’s ? ve dimensions of career success orientations are: 1. Getting ahead: Traditionally, thi s type was assumed to be typical career orientation for most people who want to succeed in their career.Individuals who exhibit these characteristics pursue upward mobility in organizations. Advancement in status and increased responsibility, authority and opportunities are also attractive to this type. People in this type enjoy wealth and prestige. Getting free: Individuals in this type avoid any restrictions and pursue personal freedom at work. They often like to create their own service or product, enjoying a variety of different experiences. The desire to maintain autonomy at work is the strongest work value. Independence and being free from external interruption make the ideal work situation.Getting secure: Individuals in this type value stability, predictability or security at work. Guaranteed long-term job security is desirable. They are loyal to their organizations and commit themselves seriously to the company. Gaining secure jobs and feeling recognized by their organizatio ns are closely related to their personal meaning of career success. To this type of people, stability is more important than getting ahead. Getting high: Individuals with these characteristics pursue technical or functional expertise in one area and want to test their talents and skills. Excitement is very important to them.They long for continued growth and dedicate themselves to  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. 2. 3. 4. 48 International Journal of Training and Development 5. self-renewing experiences, and consider success as doing what they like. Being an expert in their interest areas is an uppermost goal of their career. Getting balanced: Individuals who exhibit these characteristics pursue a balanced professional and personal life. They enjoy working in an environment that respects personal and family life. People view their career success in relation to other aspects of life, including family and personal development.To them, the meaning of career success cannot be separat ed from the value of family and personal relationships. The emergence of this career type re? ects the diversity of the workforce and work values in recent decades (Derr, 1986). Hall (1976) introduced the concept of the ‘protean career’, characterized by individuals taking the lead in career management, driven by the change of personal rather than organizational needs. He even argued that the ‘career’ no longer exists within organizations (1996). Similarly, Arthur and Rousseau (1996) described modern careers as ‘boundaryless’, defying traditional assumptions about organizational careers.Recent literature, including Hall’s work in 2002, indicates the importance of the individual career, particularly its internal aspects. Baruch (2004) summarized current measures of individual career success as ‘a multi-level set of self-development targets; gaining employability; making lateral transitions for enrichment . . . ; undertaking selfmana gement and entrepreneurship . . . ; and achieving a better and richer quality of life’ (2004: 76). A comparison of the concepts of career anchor, career orientation, career concept, and career success orientation (as well as other recent trends) allows ? e types of commonly identi? ed career orientation to be determined, as presented in Table 1. This table shows that although scholars researched career orientations at different times and used different criteria and terms, the common categories of career orientation can be identi? ed. The categories of personal de? nition of career success also tend to follow a similar framework. Since career orientation is likely to determine (or at least in? uence) an individual’s occupational decisions, it has been hypothesized that this orientation can in? uence their willingness to participate in speci? career development activities (Watts, 1989). However, little literature has empirically explored the relationship between career s uccess orientation and career development intervention. In this study, the career orientations of Korean employees are ? rst explored in terms of Derr’s (1986) framework of career success orientation. Organizational interventions in? uencing employee career development (ECD) The term ‘organizational interventions in? uencing ECD’ is de? ned as organizationinitiated policies or activities that could affect ECD, directly or indirectly. According to Wils et al. 1993), there are three types of career development activities currently conducted in organizations. Speci? cally, 14 activities are identi? ed with three different foci: 1. 2. 3. Impersonal career, focusing on three internal staf? ng activities: job posting, promotion-from-within and lateral mobility. Organizational career, consisting of ? ve organization-oriented activities: succession planning, high potential management, data collection on employees, job matching and data collection on future jobs. Individu al career, subsuming two individual-oriented activities: career planning and career counselling.In addition to these direct interventions, some organizational policies or activities may in? uence ECD indirectly (Watts, 1989). For instance, employee compensation and bene? ts can enhance or impede ECD, affecting critical career decisions. Employee assessment is often understood as a management function, but it can and should be approached from a career development perspective as well (Baruch, 2004; Iles, 1999).  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. Organizational Interventions 49 Table 1: Comparison of theories of career orientation 50 International Journal of Training and Development  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005.Types Description of common characteristics †¢ Advancing up the organizational hierarchy †¢ Increased responsibility, authority †¢ High status, prestige, income †¢ Recognized expertise in one area †¢ Excitement to test one’s talents and s kills †¢ Continued growth and experience †¢ Stability, predictability, security †¢ Long-term commitment, loyalty †¢ Maintenance of freedom, avoidance of restrictions †¢ Creation of own service or product †¢ A variety of different experiences †¢ A balanced life †¢ Respect for personal and family life †¢ Flexible time and job sharing †¢ Dedication to a cause, making a contribution to improve the worldSchein’s (1978) career anchor General management competence Technical/ functional competence or pure challenge Security/ stability Autonomy/ independence or entrepreneurial creativity Life style Delong’s (1982) career orientation Managerial competence/ identity Technical/ functional competence Driver’s (1980) career concept Linear Derr’s (1986) career success orientation Getting ahead Baruch’s (2004) measures of career success Self-development competencies Type 1 Type 2 Spiral Getting high Lateral transit ions; spiral movements Type 3 Type 4Security Autonomy, creativity, or variety Steady-state Transitory Getting secure Getting free Employability Self-management; entrepreneurship Type 5 Getting balanced Service Self-perceived attitudes, values and needs Frequency, time, Subjective direction of career de? nition of change success Quality of life; work-family balance Other types Criteria of typology Service/ dedication to a cause Self-perceived talents, values and motives Source: N. Kim (2004). Career success orientation of Korean women bank employees, Career Development International, 9(6), p. 98. Many organizations do not consider such activities a part of ECD (Watts, 1989). In this regard, career systems in organizations are closely linked to human resource management systems, or employee relations, and are integrated into those systems (Gutteridge et al. , 1993; Wils et al. , 1993). Recently, Baruch (2004) elaborated his six-dimension model of organizational career systems, which i ncludes involvement, sophistication & complexity, strategic orientation, developmental focus, organizational decision-making focus, and innovation.Among these, involvement, strategic orientation, developmental focus and organizational decision-making focus relate to the idea of organizational versus individualfocused dimensions (as found in Wils et al. , 1993), as well as the direct versus indirect intervention dimensions addressed by Watts (1989). Innovation and sophistication & complexity seem to be more methodological concerns; this is understandable since the model was designed to facilitate guidelines for evaluating organizational career systems.Given the de? nition and scope of organizational interventions in? uencing ECD, broad types of organization-initiated policies or activities can be categorized (Figure 1). Individual-focused activities partially or entirely allow individuals to make decisions about their participation. Accordingly, participants can take primary advantag e of the resulting bene? ts. Organizational-focused activities are operated primarily for organizational purposes, rather than individual bene? t.Further, indirect interventions can in? uence ECD, although they may not appear to be a part of ECD. This two-dimensional taxonomy of organizational interventions in? uencing ECD in Figure 1 provides a useful framework for understanding the various kinds of organizational interventions in? uencing ECD that have been identi? ed from the career literature, including personnel allocation systems, employee appraisal systems, training/development systems, career development (CD) support systems, and compensation/bene? s systems (Baruch, 2004; Derr, 1986; Noe et al. , 1996; Watts, 1989; Wils et al. , 1993). Under this taxonomy, 13 types of interventions can be summarized, as presented in Table 2. According to Table 2, succession planning, career paths, job posting/job matching, promotion/upward mobility, downward mobility, and job rotation/later al Direct ECD interventions Training/development systems Personnel allocation systems CD support systems Individualfocused Organization focused Compensation/benefits systemsEmployee appraisal systems Indirect interventions influencing ECD Figure 1: Two-dimensional taxonomy of organizational interventions in? uencing ECD.  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. Organizational Interventions 51 Table 2: Organizational interventions in? uencing ECD Types of interventions Description Personnel allocation systems Succession planning Identifying and systematically developing high potential employees for certain key positions Career paths Structuring sequences of jobs or positions related to speci? career goals, such as managerial or technical career tracks Job posting/job Internal announcing of vacant job positions and matching matching internal individuals’ preferences with the job prior to external recruiting Promotion/upward Advancement in position with greater pay, challenges, mobi lity responsibility, and authority Downward mobility Moving to positions with a reduced level of responsibility and authority with an opportunity to develop skills and meet personal needs or interests Job rotation/lateral Systematically transferring employees laterally to another movement function or area over the course of time, not necessarily involving increased responsibilities or compensation Employee appraisal systems Assessment system Evaluating and collecting data on employees to discover their performance and potential, feedback can be given to employees Training/development systems Mentoring/coaching Assigning mentors or coaches (often supervisors or superiors) to employees to help them develop their careers Training/development Providing opportunities for career information workshops opportunities or training events that deal with career planning or transitions, self-assessment, or other career issues, or supporting individual efforts to learn and develop Career developme nt support systems Career counselling/ Providing counselling services and guides by professionals discussions (external or internal agency) or supervisors/managers to meet individual needs in employees’ careers Career information Building a system for sharing information about career system opportunities, such as various career paths or job vacancies, programmes and bene? ts offered through a variety of media Employee compensation/bene? ts systems Individual Adopting recognition systems for individual contributions compensation system to the organization (e. g. merit pay, individual incentives, stock options) Flexible bene? t plans Allowing diverse, ? exible options of bene? ts/rewards plans (e. g. , insurance or pension provisions, retirement plans, ? exible work schedule, part-time employment, child-care bene? ts, maternity and paternity leave) Note: Summarized from the literature (Baruch, 2004; Derr, 1986; Noe et al. , 1996; Watts, 1989; Wils et al. , 1993). 52 Internation al Journal of Training and Development  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. movement fall into personnel allocation systems. Assessment systems belong to employee appraisal systems. Mentoring/coaching and training/development opportunities are examples of broad training/development systems.Counselling/ discussions and career information systems are included in career development support systems. Individual compensation systems and ? exible bene? t plans can be categorized under employee compensation/bene? t systems. It is important to note that not all organizational career-related activities have the same appeal or provide the same bene? ts to all employees (Derr, 1986; Schein, 1978). Additionally, variation must be expected in terms of employees’ acceptance of their employers’ involvement in their career development (Portwood & Granrose, 1986; Rhebergen & Wognum, 1997). Only a few studies have examined what types of interventions are most appropriate for speci? c typ es of employees.Derr (1986) examined contemporary CD programmes, matching each programme with certain types of career success orientations, as presented in Table 3. This table shows that there are different types of career development programmes appropriate for speci? c career success orientations. For example, some programmes are appropriate only for Getting ahead people. However, empirical support for this matching was not provided. Building on this work, Watts (1989) conducted empirical research to see if non-managerial female workers preferred different organizational CD activities according to their types of career success orientation; no signi? cant differences were reported. Solid empiricalTable 3: Career development programmes and appropriate career types CD Programme Getting free Assessment centres Career counselling and coaching by managers Career counselling by others Career information centres Career information systems Career pathing Computer-aided instruction and infor mation systems Educational and professional development bene? ts Fallback-position transfers Flexible scheduling and bene? ts Family-related bene? ts High-potential identi? cation programmes Individual development plans Integrated career planning Job matching Job posting Lifelong employment Mentor programmes Succession planning Workshops and training events Orientation Getting balanced Getting high Getting ahead O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Getting secure O O O Note: Adapted from Derr’s career development programmes (1986: 255–258).  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. Organizational Interventions 53 nowledge is not yet available for matching individual preferences with organizational interventions; further investigation is warranted. Nevertheless, different observations in relevant studies imply the following hypotheses: H1: People who have different career success orientations will show different preferen ces for career development interventions. H2: People who have the same career success orientation will show different preferences for career development interventions. Career development in Korean organizations Shifts in organizational behaviours are not culturally neutral. Although career dynamics are known to re? ect particular aspects of a culture (Derr & Laurent, 1989; Greenhaus et al. 2000), career literature has failed to account for career dynamics in diverse cultures. Very few studies have explored what the term ‘career’ means in an international context (e. g. Derr & Laurent, 1989; Hofstede, 1980; Triandis, 1989), and careerrelated perceptions and strategies have almost never been researched in third world countries (Counsell & Popova, 2000). In terms of ECD, most Korean organizations are at a very early stage (H. Kim, 2000). Employers have not yet felt the necessity to adopt ECD systems, and employees are not familiar with the meaning or implications of CD. On ly a very few large corporations have begun to introduce relevant interventions into their practice (H. Kim, 2000).Consequently, examples of ECD in Korean organizations are limited (e. g. Choi, 1994; Jung, 1991; J. S. M. Kim, 1992; K. H. Lee, 1996). Comprehensive information regarding the status of Korean organizational career development is not yet available. Korean literature based on several case studies (Choi, 1994; D. K. Lee, 1993; K. H. Lee, 1996) shows that a wide range of activities, such as promotion and advancement, job rotation and transfer, and job evaluation and performance appraisal, has been addressed. The literature reviewed indicates that organizational ECD is still viewed as a part of the human resource management function in Korea (H. Kim, 2000).Therefore, it is important that this study covers the full range of interventions, from direct ECD activities to indirect organizational interventions. Methodology A quantitative sample survey was designed to test research hypotheses on career success orientations. Data were collected from a sample of 1000 employees in a Korean wireless communications company. The sample was randomly selected from the company directory of 3003 employees, and the survey instrument was distributed and collected through the company’s intranet system. A 33. 7% response rate resulted, with 337 useable surveys returned. Table 4 shows the sample composition by demographic characteristics. The respondents’ ages were categorized into three groups: 20–29, 30–39, and 40 and above. The average age was just over 33.The range was between 22 and 56. Most respondents’ ages were between 30 and 39 (69. 4%). The respondents’ average years of work experience was 5. 42, ranging between less than 1 and 13. The largest respondent group was those who have worked for 4–6. 99 years (49%). Almost half of the respondents (48. 1%) were assistant managers, while 22. 8% were managers, 21. 7% were em ployees, and 7. 4% were senior managers. Respondents were predominantly male (89. 6%), and 78% of the respondents were married. The two major types of job were 29. 1% in marketing and 38. 6% in engineering. A majority of the respondents (63. 8%) had completed 4-year college courses, and 19. % had completed graduate school. The instrument consisted of two parts. The ? rst part identi? ed individuals’ career success orientations. A modi? ed Derr’s (1986) ‘Career success map questionnaire’ (CSMQ) was used, since this instrument was originally developed to identify ? ve types of career success orientation. The questionnaire was changed from a forced54 International Journal of Training and Development  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. Table 4: Sample composition by demographic characteristics (n = 337) Demographic Age (M = 33. 29, sd = 5. 09) Category 20–29 years old 30–39 years old 40 years old and above Less than 4 years 4–6. 99 years* 7–9. 9 years* 10 years or more Employee Assistant manager Manager Senior manager Male Female Married Unmarried Marketing R&D IT Engineering Ad/Mgmt Internal ventures High school 2-year college 4-year college Graduate school Frequency 60 234 43 76 165 63 33 73 162 77 25 302 35 263 74 98 34 14 130 47 14 25 32 215 65 % 17. 8 69. 4 12. 8 22. 6 49. 0 18. 7 9. 8 21. 7 48. 1 22. 8 7. 4 89. 6 10. 4 78. 0 22. 0 29. 1 10. 1 4. 2 38. 6 13. 9 4. 2 7. 4 9. 5 63. 8 19. 3 Years of work experience (M = 5. 42, sd = 2. 77) Employment level Gender Marital status Type of job Education level * Months were converted to fractions of a year. choice instrument of thirty paired statements to a Likert-type instrument, in order to make it statistically possible to test its factor structures and reliability (given the lack of empirical information with regard to this instrument).The second part was developed to explore respondents’ preferred organizational interventions in? uencing employee caree r development. Thirteen types of organizational interventions (as summarized in Table 2) were used for this purpose. The instrument was translated into Korean, and a three-round cross-translation performed. The face validity and construct validity of the instrument were examined in a series of three-round pilot tests and instrument revisions. Through factor analysis, with the elimination of some items, the ? ve dimensions originally included emerged. Reliability, measured by Cronbach’s coef? cient alpha, was between 0. 56 and 0. 79: Getting high (0. 78), Getting secure (0. 72), Getting balanced (0. 9), Getting ahead (0. 59), and Getting free (0. 56). These results indicate some limitations in interpreting the data for Getting ahead and Getting free. To analyse collected data, descriptive statistics as well as inferential statistics, such as ANOVA or repeated measures analysis, were conducted. Results Two approaches were used to test the research hypotheses. First, differences in preferences between groups were examined. Second, differences in preferences within  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. Organizational Interventions 55 each group were explored. The highest mean score among the ? ve types was deemed the dominant orientation for each individual.According to descriptive information regarding dominant career success orientations, each individual’s career success orientation was identi? ed. The sample consisted of 40% Getting free, 38% Getting balanced, 17% Getting high, 3% Getting ahead, and 2% Getting secure. Since Getting ahead and Getting secure obtained very small percentages, those two types were excluded from the analysis. Hypothesis 1: Differences in preferences between groups The Levene test of homogeneity of variances showed that several items, including succession planning, job posting/job matching, promotion and compensation systems, violated the assumption to conduct the ANOVAs. Those items were excluded from further analysis.As a result, the ANOVAs were conducted with the remaining nine items. The ANOVAs showed that the preferences for six organizational interventions differed signi? cantly according to respondents’ dominant career success orientation types, as presented in Table 5. According to post hoc comparisons using the Tukey test, most interventions were preferred more by Getting free than Getting balanced or Getting high. There were no signi? cant differences in downward mobility, assessment system, or career information system. Hypothesis 1 was partly supported. Hypothesis 2: Differences in preferences within groups Repeated measures analysis showed statistically signi? ant differences in Getting free preferences (Wilks’ Lambda = 0. 396, F = 13. 86) at the 0. 001 level across the 13 organizational interventions. According to post hoc pairwise comparisons using the Bonferroni test, succession planning, career paths, job posting/job matching, promotion, and training/development opport unities were signi? cantly more preferred than other interventions, while downward mobility and career information system were signi? cantly less preferred. Repeated measures analysis showed statistically signi? cant differences in Getting balanced preferences (Wilks’ Lambda = 0. 471, F = 9. 63) at the 0. 001 level across the 13 organizational interventions.According to post hoc pairwise comparisons using the Bonferroni test, job posting/job matching and training/development opportunities were signi? cantly more preferred than other interventions, while downward mobility and career information system were signi? cantly less preferred. Repeated measures analysis showed statistically signi? cant differences in Getting high preferences (Wilks’ Lambda = 0. 423, F = 4. 42) at the 0. 001 level across the 13 organizational interventions. According to post hoc pairwise comparisons using the Bonferroni test, succession planning, career paths, and promotion were signi? cantly mo re preferred than other interventions, while downward mobility was signi? cantly less preferred.Overall, hypothesis 2 was supported. Discussion of ? ndings Different types of work, pay/bene? ts, promotion systems, and types of recognition motivate individuals who have different needs (Derr, 1986; Schein, 1990). The ? ndings of this study mostly support this assertion. That is, Korean employees’ career success orientations seem to impact their preferences for organizational interventions in? uencing employee career development. Even within each speci? c career orientation group, some interventions were preferred over others. The ? ndings regarding preferences for the 13 organizational interventions in? uencing employee career development are discussed in detail below.Though the differences in preferences for succession planning among three groups (Getting free, Getting balanced, and Getting high) could not be compared due to violations of homogeneity of variance assumptions fo r ANOVA, within-group 56 International Journal of Training and Development  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005.  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. Table 5: Preferences for organizational interventions in? uencing ECD by career success orientation Organizational interventions in? uencing ECD Getting free (n = 121) Mean 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Succession planning Career paths Job posting/job matching Promotion Downward mobility Job rotation Assessment system Mentoring/coaching Training/development Career counselling Career information system Compensation system Flexible bene? t plans 5. 65 5. 58 5. 43 5. 62 3. 98 5. 7 5. 25 5. 27 5. 55 5. 38 5. 05 5. 40 5. 50 sd 1. 06 0. 96 1. 03 0. 90 1. 49 1. 09 0. 97 1. 03 0. 95 0. 96 1. 06 1. 05 1. 04 Getting balanced (n = 115) Mean 5. 21 5. 25 5. 31 5. 29 4. 24 4. 93 4. 98 4. 95 5. 31 5. 00 4. 89 5. 09 5. 31 sd 1. 07 1. 02 0. 93 1. 01 1. 35 1. 18 0. 95 1. 06 1. 05 1. 07 1. 08 1. 05 1. 05 Getting high (n = 51) Mean 5. 24 5. 29 5. 10 5. 22 4. 04 4. 43 4. 90 4. 73 5. 06 4. 76 4. 73 5. 00 5. 06 sd 0. 79 0. 81 0. 83 0. 73 1. 30 1. 17 0. 90 1. 02 0. 90 0. 89 0. 85 0. 75 0. 93 – F = 3. 76* – – F = 1. 07 F = 5. 66** F = 3. 38* F = 5. 80** F = 4. 84** F = 8. 27** F = 1. 89 – F = 3. 51* *p < 0. 05 **p < 0. 01 ***p < 0. 01 Between group comparison Organizational Interventions 57 Within group comparison Wilk’s Lambda = 0. 396 F = 13. 86*** Wilk’s Lambda = 0. 471 F = 9. 63*** Wilk’s Lambda = 0. 423 F = 4. 42*** comparison indicated that both Getting free and Getting high groups signi? cantly preferred this intervention over other options, such as job rotation, assessment system, mentoring/coaching or career information system. Derr’s (1986) assertion that succession planning would be appropriate only for the Getting ahead orientation was not con? rmed; this intervention seems to be favourably accepted by both Getting free and Getting high orientations. It was r anked ? st by Getting free, and second by Getting high in rank orders. Career paths were preferred signi? cantly more by the Getting free than the Getting balanced group. Since career paths provide individuals with the opportunity to follow their own career goals, it is understandable that people who want freedom would be in favour of this intervention, while the Getting balanced orientation maintains a need for ? exibility (Derr, 1986; Schein, 1978). Interestingly, there was no signi? cant difference in preferences for career paths between Getting high and Getting balanced. However, Getting high preferred career paths over the other intervention options.Derr (1986) suggested that career paths would be appropriate for Getting free and Getting high; this was partially con? rmed by the study. Group differences in job posting/job matching and promotions could not be explored due to violations of the assumptions for ANOVA. However, Getting free and Getting balanced, respectively, signi? cantly preferred job posting/job matching over job rotation. It is assumed that the Getting free orientation seeks a position with more autonomy, while Getting balanced seeks a position that accommodates personal values in family and relationships through announced open job opportunities (Derr, 1986). Getting free and Getting high signi? antly preferred promotion over job rotation, assessment system, mentoring/coaching, career counselling, and career information system. It seems that the Getting free and Getting high orientations desire some level of status that allows them to make decisions based on personal interests. There was no signi? cant difference in preferences for downward mobility, assessment system, and career information system among the groups. However, downward mobility was consistently the least preferred intervention among the 13 options. Although people tend to pursue what they want, they naturally do not want to give up their current levels of income and responsi bility. Derr (1986) claimed that career information system may be appropriate for Getting free and Getting high, but o difference was found between the groups studied. Moreover, this intervention was not particularly preferred within any of the groups. Getting free ranked it 12th, Getting balanced ranked it 10th, and Getting free ranked it 9th in rank order. Considering that the concept and necessity of career development are still relatively new in Korea (H. Kim, 2000), respondents may not be familiar with such ideas or aware of some systems’ potential bene? ts for individual career goals, which may be manifested in low preference results. Job rotation was signi? cantly less preferred by the Getting high orientation than by Getting free or Getting balanced.Since it is very important for Getting high individuals to keep jobs which they can truly enjoy (Derr, 1986), these people are likely to be reluctant to move to a new function or area. Mentoring/coaching and career counsel ling were preferred signi? cantly more by Getting free than by Getting high or Getting balanced. Although Derr (1986) assumed that career counselling and mentoring programmes would be appropriate for Getting balanced, this was not con? rmed in this study. These interventions did not seem to be attractive to the Getting balanced group; they are in the middle rank. It seems that Getting free individuals may maintain positive attitudes toward sharing career issues, and want to be guided by someone who can help them. Getting balanced individuals may not have speci? career aspirations that can be shared with others at work, since they view careers in relation to other dimensions of their lives. Training/development opportunities and ? exible bene? t plans were preferred signi? cantly more by Getting free than by Getting high. Although Derr (1986) and Watts (1989) viewed training/development as appropriate for all three (Getting free, Getting high, and Getting balanced) groups, our study showed that Getting free particularly 58 International Journal of Training and Development  © Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2005. preferred this intervention. Getting balanced, as a group, preferred training/ development opportunities over assessment system, mentoring/coaching, and career counselling.This result supports the characteristics of the Getting balanced orientation, which pursues self-development in order to remain competent at work (Derr, 1986). According to descriptive statistics, ? exible bene? t plans were also one of the most preferred interventions by Getting balanced, consistent with the arguments of S. Y. Kim (1995), Igbaria et al. (1991), and McGovern & Hart (1992). Individual compensation system could not be compared between the groups. A comparison of preferences for this option within groups showed that respondents signi? cantly preferred compensation system only over downward mobility and career information system.The lower popularity of this option in all grou ps may be due to characteristics of Korean society and organizations (Bae & Chung, 1997). Although Korean society has been changing, teamwork and family spirit are still deeply rooted in its culture (Koch et al. , 1995), which may have led respondents to be reluctant to place value on this option. Limitations of the study This study was limited to one large Korean company; it may be dif? cult to generalize the ? ndings of this study to other organizations in different cultures. Second, there may be limitations to the instrument, since it was originally developed in the context of western cultures.The instrument may contain culturally sensitive items that were not detected in the researcher’s efforts to validate the instrument, conduct pilot tests, and obtain feedback. Finally, at least two of the scales had lower-thandesired reliability. Implications of the study There were some theoretical efforts to link individual career orientations with preferences for career development interventions, though empirical evidence is lacking. The ? ndings of this study can contribute to the validation of theoretical discussions on the association of individuals and organizational career development interventions. From a practical perspective, at the organizational level, the ? dings of this study imply that organizations may want to design their career mobility systems or performance incentive systems in accordance with employees’ career orientations. At the individual level, the study points out workers’ responsibility to know their personal needs, biases and motives. Knowledge of one’s own values and beliefs can serve as a basis for future career decisions, and for the development of appropriate career strategies (Aryee et al. , 1994). Recommendations for further research Organizational perspectives on the career orientations of employees deserve examination. 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Friday, January 3, 2020

Short Story - 820 Words

I opened my eyes into the darkness just in time for the fluorescent light to flicker blinding me momentarily with its brightness. As a natural reaction I go to move my hand infront of my eyes as a shield to protect myself from being blinded again. But as I do this motion my arm becomes stuck or held back, a pinching pain rushes up my arm from the joint of my arm creating an ache to emanate from the area. My eyes no longer feel heavy and the creaky, uncomfortable surface I am laying on are no longer at the forefront of my thoughts, all I want to know is why I am in pain and trapped in place. Panic rushes through my veins and my heart rate spikes setting an alarm off to my right, causing me to flinch aiming to cover my ears from the high†¦show more content†¦There are murmurs radiating from the figures making me flinch once again as they only add to the abundance of sound that is surrounding me, adding to this ever growing nightmare. I can feel myself trembling, I can barely breathe and the tingles running up and down my arms causing them to ache, I feel as if I am drowning, the surface is too far away, I am being dragged further and further into the darkness once again. The room is starting to close in on me as a swarm of bees to their queen, always becoming closer and closer. A shadow the shape of a hand reaches out as if to touch or grab me, my instincts are telling me to scream, to move as far away as I can from the offending object. But I can’t, my body will no longer do as I will it to, my panic and fear have rendered me paralyzed, forced to watch as the shape gets closer and closer, taunting me, proving just how helpless I really am. As the shape grabs around my arm as if to restrain me like a shackle restraining a prisoner, my body begins to feel a burning sensation where the contact is being made forcing a scream to be released from my body. Upon hearing my scream the shadow as dark as night releases me and the pain immediately fades away. Just as I begin to calm from the sudden pain I feel something prick my other arm making yet another surge of pain rush through my body and a liquid as cold as ice flows into my bloodstream in an onslaught, leaving pain in its path as itShow MoreRelatedshort story1018 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿Short Stories:  Ã‚  Characteristics †¢Short  - Can usually be read in one sitting. †¢Concise:  Ã‚  Information offered in the story is relevant to the tale being told.  Ã‚  This is unlike a novel, where the story can diverge from the main plot †¢Usually tries to leave behind a  single impression  or effect.  Ã‚  Usually, though not always built around one character, place, idea, or act. †¢Because they are concise, writers depend on the reader bringing  personal experiences  and  prior knowledge  to the story. Four MajorRead MoreThe Short Stories Ideas For Writing A Short Story Essay1097 Words   |  5 Pageswriting a short story. Many a time, writers run out of these short story ideas upon exhausting their sources of short story ideas. If you are one of these writers, who have run out of short story ideas, and the deadline you have for coming up with a short story is running out, the short story writing prompts below will surely help you. Additionally, if you are being tormented by the blank Microsoft Word document staring at you because you are not able to come up with the best short story idea, youRead MoreShort Story1804 Words   |  8 PagesShort story: Definition and History. A  short story  like any other term does not have only one definition, it has many definitions, but all of them are similar in a general idea. According to The World Book Encyclopedia (1994, Vol. 12, L-354), â€Å"the short story is a short work of fiction that usually centers around a single incident. Because of its shorter length, the characters and situations are fewer and less complicated than those of a novel.† In the Cambridge Advanced Learner’s DictionaryRead MoreShort Stories648 Words   |  3 Pageswhat the title to the short story is. The short story theme I am going conduct on is â€Å"The Secret Life of Walter Mitty’ by James Thurber (1973). In this short story the literary elements being used is plot and symbols and the theme being full of distractions and disruption. The narrator is giving a third person point of view in sharing the thoughts of the characters. Walter Mitty the daydreamer is very humorous in the different plots of his dr ifting off. In the start of the story the plot, symbols,Read MoreShort Stories1125 Words   |  5 PagesThe themes of short stories are often relevant to real life? To what extent do you agree with this view? In the short stories â€Å"Miss Brill† and â€Å"Frau Brechenmacher attends a wedding† written by Katherine Mansfield, the themes which are relevant to real life in Miss Brill are isolation and appearance versus reality. Likewise Frau Brechenmacher suffers through isolation throughout the story and also male dominance is one of the major themes that are highlighted in the story. These themes areRead MoreShort Story and People1473 Words   |  6 Pagesï » ¿Title: Story Of An Hour Author: Kate Chopin I. On The Elements / Literary Concepts The short story Story Of An Hour is all about the series of emotions that the protagonist, Mrs. Mallard showed to the readers. With the kind of plot of this short story, it actually refers to the moments that Mrs. Mallard knew that all this time, her husband was alive. For the symbol, I like the title of this short story because it actually symbolizes the time where Mrs. Mallard died with joy. And with thatRead MoreShort Story Essay1294 Words   |  6 PagesA short story concentrates on creating a single dynamic effect and is limited in character and situation. It is a language of maximum yet economical effect. Every word must do a job, sometimes several jobs. Short stories are filled with numerous language and sound devices. These language and sound devices create a stronger image of the scenario or the characters within the text, which contribute to the overall pre-designed effect.As it is shown in the metaphor lipstick bleeding gently in CinnamonRead MoreRacism in the Short Stor ies1837 Words   |  7 PagesOften we read stories that tell stories of mixing the grouping may not always be what is legal or what people consider moral at the time. The things that you can learn from someone who is not like you is amazing if people took the time to consider this before judging someone the world as we know it would be a completely different place. The notion to overlook someone because they are not the same race, gender, creed, religion seems to be the way of the world for a long time. Racism is so prevalentRead MoreThe Idol Short Story1728 Words   |  7 PagesThe short stories â€Å"The Idol† by Adolfo Bioy Casares and â€Å"Axolotl† by Julio Cortà ¡zar address the notion of obsession, and the resulting harm that can come from it. Like all addictions, obsession makes one feel overwhelmed, as a single thought comes to continuously intruding our mind, causing the individual to not be able to ignore these thoughts. In â€Å"Axolotl†, the narr ator is drawn upon the axolotls at the Jardin des Plantes aquarium and his fascination towards the axolotls becomes an obsession. InRead MoreGothic Short Story1447 Words   |  6 Pages The End. In the short story, â€Å"Emma Barrett,† the reader follows a search party group searching for a missing girl named Emma deep in a forest in Oregon. The story follows through first person narration by a group member named Holden. This story would be considered a gothic short story because of its use of setting, theme, symbolism, and literary devices used to portray the horror of a missing six-year-old girl. Plot is the literal chronological development of the story, the sequence of events